Ricardo Pascoe Pierce
The British magazine The Economist published its Global Democracy Index 2022. The Index highlighted several important findings for those promoting democratic aspirations worldwide. And also lessons for those who promote authoritarianism in their various countries.
The study reveals that nearly half of the world (45.3%) lives in countries with varying degrees of democratic practices (some more, some less). Almost a third of the world’s population lives in systems considered authoritarian: 36.9%. According to this Global Democracy Index, in 2016, a “democratic regression” began in the world. That is, the number of democratic countries receded, while authoritarian countries grew from that date until 2021 when it reached its highest point. However, the Index indicates that this dynamic of democratic regression slowed down in 2022. This means, globally, that pro-democracy forces have mobilized to defend their way of life in the face of the seemingly unimpeded momentum of the global authoritarian movement.
It is good news for global democracy to know that societies are resisting authoritarianism, despite the cost, this may represent in terms of social conflict and personal sacrifice. On a scale of 10, democratic forces accumulated 5.29 points, a slight increase of 0.01% over last year’s 2021.
The magazine notes that one development that helped consolidate “democratic desire” in societies worldwide was lifting restrictions imposed by the global Covid-19 pandemic. However, it emphasizes that political polarization continues to threaten the consolidation of democratic regimes. It gives as an example that Peru’s fragile democracy went into total crisis following former President Castillo’s attempt to carry out a coup d’état. However, the Index records that the Latin American countries that suffered the greatest setbacks in their democratic systems were, in addition to Peru, Mexico, El Salvador, and Haiti. Mexico is a country whose democratic backsliding is particularly alarming because of its strategic position in the region, both geographically and because of its economic and national security importance. The contrast of Mexico with some countries in the region with great democratic institutional strength is remarkable: Chile, Uruguay, and Costa Rica are some of the strongest democracies in the world. These countries prove that it is possible to consolidate democratic institutions and thus prevent backsliding.
In terms of the impact of the Covid-19 uprising, the Index highlights the case of China. It was one of the strictest and most closed societies facing the pandemic, applying the “zero-Covid” policy. Despite being one of the most authoritarian societies in the world, the zero-Covid policy provoked a large-scale uprising of urban societies. It forced the Chinese government to change its policy to total openness overnight. It was certainly a policy reversal that came as a surprise to all and sundry.
On the other hand, the Russian case was undoubtedly the most remarkable case of a society that moved rapidly from a fragile and deficient democracy to an openly authoritarian regime with strong militaristic overtones due to its imperialist war waged against Ukraine.
We should regret the case of Mexico, the Latin American society that has regressed the most in its democratic institutionality, aiming to become an autocracy. However, what is confirmed in the Mexican case is the emergence of a mobilized and conscious citizenry determined to resist the onslaught of authoritarianism in Aztec lands. This is good news; within the thick of the long night we live through.
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