Ricardo Pascoe Pierce
In times of turbulence, those with clear ideas about what they want to obtain have a good chance of achieving it. It requires perseverance, a cool mind, and clarity of the final objective.
Perseverance, a cool mind, and clarity. And much humility to recognize the difficulties and challenges faced by each member of this great historical conglomerate that today is called Va Por México, but that with more members will have to assume a new nomenclature and a new destiny. This is precisely what the opposition in Mexico requires today.
Who else will have to join to be part of the great historical pact that will place Mexico on the road to becoming the recognized pillar of democracy, tolerance, plurality, institutionality, and solidarity for the rest of Latin America?
An important number of citizen organizations that have been developing throughout the country for a long time are about to join the pact. Each of the organizations participating in this unitary effort has specific origins that define them, in their territorial areas, by particular interests or approaches to national issues, and in relation to previous outstanding political or social experiences. In other words, they are citizens’ organizations that reflect the great variety of Mexican society’s social, ideological, cultural, labor and trade union complexity.
Let us remember that this great conglomerate of organizations was the first to propose the need for the opposing political parties to join together in a single alliance to successfully face Morena, regardless of their past as electoral opponents. Well, that unity was achieved and had its first great success in the mid-term elections of 2021. Unity was achieved in the Va Por México coalition despite external attacks and internal criticisms. The fact of responding to a heartfelt citizen demand is what gave relevance to the achievement of unity.
More pieces have yet to be added to the new emerging historical pact. The Movimiento Ciudadano (Citizen’s Movement – MC) has an important internal discussion about the viability of its organization inside and outside this historical grouping. It is clear that part or all of MC will eventually join the unitary effort because history and citizenship will demand it.
The bases of MC know that, after all, the needs of the country are the responsibility of those who follow the path of solving national problems and not torpedoing them.
On the other hand, there is Morena. That party inherited something from the PRD that contributed in a central way to making it unviable in the long term, and that is inserted as larva in Morena in the same way. It is the old disease of the world’s left: sectarianism. This sectarianism refers to the impossibility of successful coexistence between reformists and radicals (I do not say revolutionaries because they are not). There is an absolute incompatibility between the social-democratic left with its reformist ideas when confronted with radicals whose only central interest is to demolish everything previously existing, even if they lack a flight plan for the country after the wave of destruction is over. They are also vitally divided by Morena’s radicals’ alliance with drug trafficking.
Today the radicals govern the country and Morena, from the National Palace and in the party. The social democrats, in frank but unrecognized retreat, will have to seek refuge in a new political environment if they want to survive, or they will be condemned to die as a body of ideas.
These Morena constituents will require an important place in the historical pact that is being shaped. The opposition pact will have to accept them without sectarianism or bargaining. No one is so free of mistakes as to be able to cast the first stone. It will represent a decisive political rupture within the radical bloc of Morena and will be its death knell. And Morena will no longer have the political strength to change its chosen shock path.
Thus come 2023 and 2024.
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