Ricardo Pascoe Pierce
Before the end of the march in defense of INE, at least in Mexico City, the post-march debate between the ruling regime and the opposition began. Initially, the debate revolved around the number of people attending the march.
Mexico City’s Secretary of Government opened fire, publishing a photo of himself sitting in the C-5 and “supervising” the march, in his own words, and he declared that “between 10,000 and 12,000 people marched”. However, the thousands of photographs uploaded to social networks confirm that the official estimate not only suffers from a problem of calculation but also from the ideologism that permeates all Morenista activity: offering “other data of reality”, hoping that some unwary person will believe them.
The march continued with members waiting their turn to start the walk at the Angel of Independence when José Woldenberg had already finished reading his speech several kilometers away. Had it been a straight line, it was a march that could have been some 12 kilometers long. Organizers have oscillated in their estimates of between 200,000, 300,000, 500,000, and 700,000 participants. Correctly, evaluations were made based on the number of kilometers the contingent was long, the width of Reforma Avenue, and the number of people who could fit in one square meter (4? 2?). Based on some statistical measurements and depending on the calculation of the measures, estimates of the number of participants range from 300,000 to 600,000 people. In any case, the attendance of a march with such a large number of participants (which far exceeded the organizers’ expectations) opens the door to an unprecedented national political scenario.
The reasons for such a high turnout give rise to necessary reflections for the citizen, party, and social opposition. Obviously, the marches throughout the country confirm the existence of a broad swathe of Mexican society that is frankly disaffected with López Obrador’s government. It was even perceived that a number of the participants expressed, by their mere presence, their disaffection with the government, given that several of them have been, until recently, addicted to Morena, the 4T, and López Obrador himself. Their participation was discreet, but they were there, protesting with their presence in opposition to the counter-reform of López Obrador’s government.
The high turnout from such diverse sectors of society, in terms of age, political and religious orientation, and socio-economic strata, speaks to the fact that all sectors of Mexican society feel touched by the government’s intention to pervert the electoral processes illegally in its favor. They know that perversion is the first step towards not ceding power and eliminating alternation from our modern political culture. There was a combative social mood in defense of the institutions but also a state of alertness of all against the regressive and, therefore, reactionary pressure of López Obrador’s government to turn back the national clock by several decades.
What López Obrador feared most with the march happened. He feared that from the event could emerge the confirmation that a new broad-spectrum alternative governing bloc is being built in Mexico, with a democratic, plural, and inclusive agenda, not dependent on one person but on a specific political agreement respected by all its members. And it is a governing bloc with serious possibilities of replacing the 4T in 2024, offering a coalition government as an alternative.
While the 4T divides internally and fractures between radicals and moderates, following the script of any political movement doomed to failure, the opposition is emerging as the head of a new social pact capable of regaining control of the country and building a modern, inclusive and democratic Mexico, in freedom.
This is the indisputable result of the march. And it is the real, unquestionable fact that makes López Obrador tremble. He will attack it but will not be able to refute it.
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Further Reading:
Further Reading: