Antonio Navalón
Nearly fifty years have passed since the death of the man who fragmented Spain’s democratic stability by imposing a dictatorial regime. Francisco Franco Bahamonde and his dictatorship marked one of the most significant milestones in Spain’s modern history. A democracy cannot be built amid the eternal debate between winners and losers. A democracy must necessarily be based on the union and convergence of interests to build a better nation, but, above all, its flag must always be the popular will of the people.
Basically, what will be decided by the elections to be held this coming July 23 in Spain – as in other countries – are the limits of change. We now find ourselves with societies that live in a perpetual state of convulsion, manifesting their tendencies through expressing their emotions and creating a totum revolutum. Using as a reference the polls, the use of the vote, and the current ways of manifesting the popular will through “tweets” and “likes”, the construction of the modern world is far from all the experiences we had lived in the past.
Today emotions are constantly changing, and the assault on the Bastille occurs simultaneously and in different ways. When Spaniards go to the polls next Sunday to vote, they will find a situation similar to what is happening in the rest of the world, and they will realize that they live in an environment in which it is complicated to separate emotions from political approaches or proposals. No matter how good or bad a political proposal may be, nowadays, people only act and let themselves be guided by the manifestations of what their inner will dictates to them, giving a place to emotions that they never had before.
It is known that, as happened in 1977, Spain is once again governed from the center. And this centralism is indeed the one that sometimes has caused that in moments of confusion or closure, this type of government is pointed out as responsible for the crises that are taking place. The Spain that witnessed and participated primarily in the democratic transition of the 1970s was – in a certain sense – somewhat isolated from the world since, at that time, it did not belong to either the European Union or NATO. That nation did not have the remotest chance of having the growth it has had in recent decades. Spain, which joined NATO in 1982 and then the European Union in 1985, was a benchmark nation that had earned its place as an example for most Latin American countries to follow.
Nearly fifty years have passed since Spain, which had never been an admirable reference, became an example of how to become a democratic country despite dictatorial circumstances. One of the great successes of this process was the creation of the Spanish Constitution of 1978, a document that – unlike the previous ones that were constantly changing – has transcended forms of government and ideologies and political parties. Having become such a reference, among other things, allowed Spain to enter the Latin American market and opened many doors and opportunities in the continent. Without having the added value of raw materials, Spain has been able to take advantage of its position in the Latin American subcontinent through the capacity and management of its business sector and its political cleverness.
Spain is a country that has been characterized by several things. First, for having been one of the largest empires ever existed. Secondly, because no other empire – neither the Roman nor the English or any other – has ever built as many physical works as the Spanish empire. If you want to prove it, look at El Zócalo in Mexico City, Cusco, and each and every one of the Plazas de Armas installed in the capitals and territories that were controlled by the Spaniards, including all the U.S. territories that were Spanish possession during the Viceroyalty of New Spain. Before the Spanish, no empire managed to be so squalid and dedicated to creating institutions in the countries it conquered. Spain is a country that, until very recently, every time it has tried to create an institution in political life, has provoked a military coup or a violent confrontation.
Undoubtedly, the epic of the democratic transition from General Franco to the installation of the democratic regime was due to the convergence of different factors. However, one of them – and one of the most important – was the confabulation of interests and efforts of three key figures in the history of Spain and the democratic transitions. I am talking about the King Emeritus of Spain, Juan Carlos I; the first Spanish Prime Minister appointed by the King, Adolfo Suarez; and the head of the opposition and then Secretary General of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party, Felipe Gonzalez. Part of the miracle was born there, especially for enacting efficient policies and solutions such as the well-known and so-called “Coffee for all” or the recognition of autonomous regions, except in the case of Navarre, where the kings swore the “Fueros de Navarra”, which is a history of impositions, defeats, and the centralist idea against the autonomist personality.
All the above context brings us to a point where we find, on the one hand, Pedro Sanchez. He was a strange specimen, very much of our time, of the era of “likes” rather than votes, capable of playing with his own team and the opposition. Pedro Sánchez is a relatively new figure in Spanish socialism forged by great leaders such as Felipe González or Alfonso Guerra, that took over the party after Franco’s death. This case is similar to that of the former National Deputy who later – thanks to the lie of March 2004 – conquered power, ousting the Popular Party; I am referring to former Spanish President José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero.
Sánchez is a man who – despite hostile political structures – has been characterized by conquering the impossible and defying the limits between governing with the winds of the majority or destroying the governmental essence of a nation. Everything that until his arrival to power was a taboo, Sanchez managed to get it discussed in the Council of Ministers to articulate political solutions to such serious problems, such as the Catalan independentists or all those who enacted liberty – as happened during the Republic of 1931 – which marked a milestone in the struggle for the equality of political rights of men and women. These, among others, are the elements that will be tested on July 23.
In politics, all revolutionary situations require a lot of talent and capacity so that – at the same time that self-interests are matched – popular guarantees are preserved and consolidated. This was something that Pedro Sánchez did not achieve; he had no limits, and – based on that – he negotiated everything that seemed to be non-negotiable. From the law known as “only if it is yes” – which he has already recognized that this was the most critical mistake during this legislature – that reduces the penalties for aggressors and sexual predators to the pact with those who were the foremost leaders of the Basque countries. Leaders who at some point had contact with ETA. In this respect, it is important to add that, in fact, seven of the candidates of Eh-Bildu – which is a coalition of parties with Basque nationalist and pro-independence ideologies – to the autonomic and municipal elections of the last elections of May 28 of the present year have been condemned for blood crimes, in addition to having been proven to have been part of ETA.
It is necessary to mention that the upcoming elections have already had their first surprise. In the first and only debate that there will be, Pedro Sánchez’s dialectic capacity, his ability to speak multiple languages, and his ability to obtain the most significant amount of European funds came up against the figure of a character called Alberto Núñez Feijóo. Before that debate and some other events that have been happening in recent days, Sanchez had a great position to stay at the top of the Spanish power. However, Núñez Feijóo arrived, a ruler with outstanding experience after having won four absolute majorities in the Galician community and who is a man who, at least, assures the Spaniards that not everything is in danger or for sale.
It is as if reality had suddenly imposed itself, and the dialectic capacity – as well as the way of walking and being more intelligent than anyone else – had positioned himself in a situation where the limits were reflected. To dream, it is good to have characters who have no limits. To live and govern, it is indispensable to have a respectful position and, of course, much more in line with the safeguarding of institutions.
We are in the midst of a situation in which, in six days, the political future of Spain will be completely defined. At this moment – barring a miracle – everything indicates that the PSOE has lost the elections. But, in addition, as the fragmentation of the vote has occurred, the real key and challenge to govern as desired lies in obtaining more than 176 deputies and thus guaranteeing the absolute majority in Congress. A majority which allows governing without having to pay high prices or grant significant concessions, maintaining a favorable situation that enables to comply with the program that has been promised.
We will see what happens next July 23, and we will see how many Spaniards are part of the revolution against the system and how many are part of the system.
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