Federico Reyes Heroles
Machiavelli is widely quoted but less understood. “The end justifies the means,” like his portrait: a ruthless, amoral author. But Machiavelli is much more complex. In his work as an “advisor”—as we would say today—to the ruler, he discovers a series of rules of power beyond the ruler’s will. There are two paths: ignore them, which guarantees failure, or accept their existence to govern effectively.
Sheinbaum recalls a phrase from Machiavelli to describe her government’s condition: the “corseted prince.” This is how the Florentine described a ruler whose predecessor imposed all kinds of controls and restrictions on him to perpetuate himself. Fear haunts the mind of those who leave power, and perhaps for this reason, they act as enemies of the new ruler. The greater the fear, the more restrictions. Control over Congress and the Attorney General’s Office; ostentatious control over his party and the imposition of indefensible figures: the failed director of Pemex, who was given a job he knows nothing about. Also, public finances are so weak that the president has no room for maneuver. The list is overwhelming. AMLO is not the first to try. The history of Mexican presidentialism shows several attempts at control: Echeverría over López Portillo, scandalous. But Machiavelli is relentless: in every succession, the new ruler will have to commit patricide if he wants to be successful and serve his people. The tighter the corset, the more brutal the break.
From the cabinet, the name that stands out is García Harfuch. Results and more results. The penetration of drug traffickers at all levels and in all dimensions. More results, more internal hatred. The president, in practice, has had to change course. Before, it was repeated ad nauseam that there was no production in Mexico, that it was all just transit. Today, dozens of laboratories have been destroyed, and tons of fentanyl are being turned into millions of pills. But García Harfuch—without fanfare—faces daily not only the cartels, but also internal enemies in the Armed Forces and the National Guard. Information is leaked, and divisions within the municipal, state, and federal forces that should be supporting him are becoming evident: we are brutally infiltrated.
The same is true of cooperation with the US. It is not new; it has been going on for decades, and, in truth, it is beneficial for both countries. Does it violate our sovereignty? Not at all. On the contrary, we will be more sovereign if we effectively empty the closets. The Trump administration’s messages are obvious: they are going after anyone. They did the governor the courtesy of warning her to avoid “awkward moments.” Inform us? If there is any branch of law in which States enjoy broad powers, it is immigration. They do not have to give explanations, especially when it comes to classifying terrorists.
However, the most significant institutional destruction is that of the judiciary. The damage to Mexico is monumental. No matter how much they spin it and talk about multimillion-dollar investments, the fact is that all the traffic lights for investors are flashing red. Just read this week’s devastating articles in The Economist—Mexico will be the only country that elects all its judges. Mexico’s government is throttling the rule of law, among many others. As long as they cling to this aberration, there will be no full recovery, growth, or prosperity. García Harfuch has already begun the turnaround: there are police officers, prosecutors, and governors who have been captured. But there are also clean police officers, prosecutors, and judges. Rectification is inevitable. It has already begun in the Digital Agency. Sheinbaum can correct herself regarding the Federal Judiciary; there are several ways to do so. With her popularity levels, revocation is impossible—one less threat.
Machiavelli reappears: “A prince never lacks legitimate reasons for breaking his promises.”
Which comes first: her personal loyalty or Mexico?
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