Antonio Navalón
It is well known that, in any war, the most important thing is to take away the enemy’s will to fight. For many years now – even before Hiroshima and Nagasaki – given the unstoppable industrial capacity of the United States, anyone who got involved in a conflict with them had to bear in mind that, when push came to shove, although the capacity to kill or to challenge might be equal or comparable, when it came to the ability to work – the production of ships, airplanes, cargo, rifles, machine guns or atomic bombs – the United States was unrivaled.
Trump, however, has forgotten the most important thing: the battlefield is the soldier’s uncertainty.
Two actions were carried out in the Roman legions the night before battles. First, the legionnaires were helped to fall asleep, offered a little wine or whatever was at hand; second, they were assured of victory because allowing them to doubt meant starting to lose the war.
It is also well known that every weapon loses 50% of its effectiveness when used. So far, it is difficult to foresee how far, how deep, and what impact Donald Trump’s actions will have, especially because now both Americans and the rest of the world depend on the social responsiveness of the oldest, most complete, and most admirable democracy in history.
Another thing is that, at this very moment, the fundamental thing is to keep democracy alive so that its defects, errors, and negative aspects do not replace the good that has been built.
From this perspective, the battle over tariffs, the way of understanding power and Trump’s public confession and mockery, stating that many international leaders are “kissing his ass” and doing everything possible to negotiate with him, take on great relevance. However, it cannot be ignored that everything that is happening represents a tough test for both America and Trump himself.
I doubt that Donald Trump is concerned with history; what’s more, everything seems to indicate that he lives and behaves as if it simply didn’t matter. And really, when comparing his statements with those made 35 years ago by figures like Oprah Winfrey, it becomes clear that, in this case, history doesn’t matter at all to him.
History, however, has been indifferent. With very questionable grounds and with that unprofessional gesture with which he returned to the presidency, since leaving the White House in 2020, Trump has pursued two objectives. The first was to eliminate any power that could confront and doubt the rotundity of his authority. Second, he should demonstrate that he and he alone is in charge not only within the walls of the Oval Office but also as far as he wants to take it, or at least that’s what he thinks.
“If it be admitted that a man possessing absolute power may misuse that power . . . “ Alexis de Tocqueville.
A big mistake was when the rich, millionaires and business people dominated the political power. That was precisely what prompted President Wilson to create the Federal Reserve in 1913. Later, Theodore Roosevelt, known as the “Trust Buster”, undertook several key actions to limit the power of big businessmen and corporations like J.P. Morgan, at a time when the so-called “barons of capital” in order not to depend on what Morgan and his cronies could impose on the US federal government. But it is even more worrying to have a president with no limits, respect, or fear, who thinks that everything in the world exists to prove him right and consolidate his supremacy.
Small US shareholders build their portfolios around the stocks that make up the stock market index. These securities have been seriously attacked, and even if they recover, it shows that, in the first instance, there is no choice but to confront the United States. And, regardless of the economic “nuclear weapons” that some have, the rest will have to resort to sticks, pitchforks, or whatever, but, one way or another, sooner or later, they will have to defend themselves.
The confrontation between China and the United States marks a historic turning point. China, symbolized by its Great Wall and which has lived in fear of being invaded, now sees its ability to succeed in investments and in its work threatened.
Therefore, we are facing a clash between a speculative financial model and a manufacturing model. Naturally, the worst thing that could happen is that this confrontation would occur, and it did.
Furthermore, as if that were not enough, the economic power being forged due to European rearmament is currently being challenged. In this sense, it is essential to first emphasize that the fighting spirit has been restored—which is detrimental to whoever provokes it. Second, there will be no other way out down that road but absolute disappearance. Third, having convinced Europe and China that they have no choice but to fight, 50% of the battle is already lost.
Of course, an internal implosion could also undermine overall stability. How long can American society hold together amid this situation? Especially considering that, as of last Friday, small investors, retirees, and those who do not consider themselves geniuses as dubious as Elon Musk are already seeing in their account statements the high cost of Trump’s adventure.
An accumulated loss of 9% for Apple means that the entire population of the United States—and, in many cases, large parts of the world—is suffering the consequences of a single man’s economic, financial, and political adventurism.
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