Federico Reyes Heroles
A novelty? No. Denial? Yes.
Data Cívica and Animal Político have been tracking this. Between 2018 and September 2025, there have been more than 2,200 attacks on individuals linked to some political process. Eighty percent of these attacks targeted officials, candidates, or aspirants, or, notably, members of security forces assigned at the municipal level. When did the reduction of Republican austerity in state and municipal police budgets begin? INEGI reports a shortage of police forces in 31 out of 32 states. The international standard is 1.8, while in Mexico, the ratio is 1.4 police officers per thousand inhabitants. How much has been cut? Lantia Consultores has repeated it many times. The penetration would begin with the municipalities. But what was the reaction? To weaken them. Some were terrible and collusive, some were average, and others had good ratings. But the mood was—is?—one of institutional destruction, as in all public spheres; they simply finished them off. The result: it is estimated that around 30 to 40% of the national territory is controlled by drug traffickers. Let’s not be fooled by the fallacy that it all started with Felipe Calderón’s strategy. That was 13 years ago.
They were aware of the infiltration; the governors involved are well-known and indefensible. But they are loyal to, well, we know what. Drug traffickers largely govern us. And of course, the effect is a bomb of fear and isolation. Being a candidate to govern a “hot” area, ugh. How many honest Mexicans have left public life out of fear? We will never know. Data Cívica and Animal Político provide information. In the 2018 elections, 28 murders of aspirants, pre-candidates, or candidates for public office were confirmed. In 2021, there were 32 murders of pre-candidates or candidates. Who governs us? In 2024, the number reached 36, of whom 25 wanted to be mayors, five wanted to be councilors, and two wanted to be trustees. In 2024, the same organizations counted 661 attacks on officials and people linked to politics. Of these, 79% were at the municipal level. However, the federal government continued to erode its strength. The governors, some of the few remaining from the opposition, spoke out against the decision. They presented arguments about how local forces were producing good results. But to no avail. Deaf ears.
Centralization continued. The National Guard was created. The country was militarized. However, the National Guard is not involved in public safety. The military itself admits the need for information from local authorities. But dogma prevailed. García Harfuch is working hard. But he is stuck in a quagmire. The regime has been unable to distance itself from the political bosses who flaunt their immunity. While other countries can prosecute former presidents and senior officials through a professional and credible judiciary, in Mexico, we have decided to be the exception. Great! No country in the world has a judicial system that can be legally captured. We are the significant exception. That’s why the CEOs of large companies have already put it on the negotiating table. Investments, yes, but a system that professionally delivers justice.
The deafness continues. The explanations in the past continue. They don’t want to understand that they have been in government for a long time. Those results are expected. But these are adverse. Ten municipal presidents have been assassinated during Claudia Sheimbaum’s term. Doesn’t that tell you something? On June 17, the mayor of Tepalcatepec was murdered outside her home; Bernardo Bravo Manríquez, president of the citrus growers, was murdered on October 20; Alejandro Torres Mora, nephew of Hipólito Mora, leader of the self-defense groups, was murdered on November 1; and now Guasave. Five or six governors and the biggest drug lord are sinking the country.
Intelligence? I do not doubt that it is being used. But the ties to the drug traffickers go higher up.
Yesterday, tear gas and repression of students.
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