Ricardo Pascoe Pierce
The youth rebellion comes from the east. Monkey D. Luffy is the unexpected protagonist of “One Piece,” a popular Japanese manga and Netflix anime series. He is a teenage pirate who embodies a spirit of rebellion that has infected a large youth population around the world with enthusiasm and daring. His pirate image is replicated with the face of the famous English pirate Jolly Roger, with his sarcastic and defiant smile.
South Korea, Hong Kong, and Japan are the cradles from which the neo-tech pirates’ assault on conservatism and the culture that builds altars of devotion to money begins. Both K-pop music and anime are cultural icons of this revolution, which, inspired by what they saw in those countries, also spread to Nepal, Indonesia, and Madagascar.
Student rebellions in South Korea, to the sound of K-pop music, succeeded in overthrowing two governments. Similarly, in Nepal, Madagascar, and Thailand, student-led social uprisings succeeded in overthrowing their respective governments. Images of the Jolly Roger pirate have also been seen in demonstrations in the Philippines, Morocco, and Peru.
And it recently appeared on the streets of Mexico City. Curiously, this occurred during a demonstration by young beneficiaries of the federal government’s welfare programs on November 7. There, the image of Luffy appeared as the pirate Jolly Roger. Of course, alongside banners supporting Morena, there were also flags of the Communist Party and the Palestinian flag.
The pro-government stench of the demonstration was noticeable, among other things, because of the transportation of its attendees. There was a lack of enthusiasm. Youth rebellion in favor of the government and its causes? The “spontaneous and authentic” nature of this mobilization is hardly credible. Instead, it seemed like an attempt by the government to preempt other expressions of rebellion by Generation Z and appropriate any revolt, with the express goal of preventing the growth of an authentic student-youth protest movement in Mexico. In fact, it was a counter-march to the original march called for on November 15 by Generation Z youth on TikTok.
The pro-government mobilization on November 7 also expressly called on young people not to join the Generation Z march, scheduled for November 15. After President Sheinbaum accused the November 15 call to action of being an expression of “conservatism,” other young people, responding to the president’s call, organized the “march of the welfare bums.” The government seeks to divide any youth movement. The last thing the Morena government wants is for young people to march in the streets championing popular causes. In fact, the November 15 march arose from the outrage caused by the assassination of the mayor of Uruapan, Carlos Manzo.
The strategy of dividing social movements is so old that governments have employed it for centuries. Morena is just like all those governments. Today, it seeks to denaturalize the call for a national march by Generation Z to continue controlling the narrative about its “successful” governance. What is certain is that the deepening crisis of violence resulting from the government’s involvement in drug trafficking, economic recessionary trends, and growing social discontent is confirming that Claudia Sheinbaum’s government is in a process of rapid weakening and is losing control of national governance.
Part of the Generation Z movement will be expressed through the November 15 rally. Another part expressed itself on October 2 in the capital’s main square, and another part is incubating in public and private universities throughout the country. Sooner rather than later, the government and Morena will learn that even with the “ninis del Bienestar” (welfare bums), they will not be able to stop the irresistible momentum for change promoted by Generation Z in Mexico.
@rpascoep
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