In June 2020, Sepgra emerged as a virtual platform during the pandemic, providing insights on global economic and political issues. Over five years, it published 1978 articles covering diverse topics, navigating challenges like economic turmoil, political polarization, and the impacts of Covid-19, illustrating adaptability while aiming for quality, unbiased content.
The judicial crisis in Mexico, as highlighted by the OAS, reveals the failure to meet international standards for judicial independence, efficiency, and transparency. The consequent decline in local judicial productivity is negatively impacting economic activity, leading to a consistent drop in investments and stalling growth amid potential fiscal collapse.
What I write here is not speculation or a reconstruction by third parties: it is what I saw, experienced, and analyzed directly from the ground, with the experience of having led—as a citizen activist—marches against violence almost 20 years ago in Baja California and, on the other hand, of having coordinated as an authority the response to mass demonstrations. I do so with the sensitivity and understanding of someone who knows these dynamics firsthand.
In terms of military manuals, an ambush depends on five interrelated factors: surprise, concealment, detailed planning, a favorable field of fire, and security. These elements were present in the operation prepared by the government to ambush the Generation Z mobilization. The political objective: to discredit the movement while simultaneously providing the government with an alibi to blame others for the event.
In four days, it will be fifty years since the death of a dictator. Francisco Franco died between midnight on November 19 and the early hours of November 20, 1975. His death was recorded, made up, dressed up, and solemnly announced to the Spanish people. The message was read, with tears in his eyes, by the president of the government appointed by Franco himself: “Spaniards… Franco is dead.”
The march was entirely peaceful. There was no sign of any violent tendencies. The outbreak of violence brought to mind the events of October 2 in Tlatelolco. Citizens were protesting peacefully while the government plotted and organized the repression. Did the government strategists think of combining October 2 with the Halconazo? It seems so. What better strategy than to create chaos, violence, and confusion?
President Sheinbaum’s approach to Mexico’s security crisis fails to prioritize public safety, viewing organized crime and cartels as ideological issues rather than urgent threats to citizens. Inaction and normalization of violence hinder growth and progress, with citizens living in a climate of fear. Security is essential to prevent societal collapse.
The global criminal landscape is increasingly adaptive and complex, shaped by socio-economic shifts and technological advancements. The 2025 Index highlights critical changes in drug markets, the rise of non-violent crimes, and growing foreign and private sector involvement. It indicates an urgent need for new resilience strategies to counter evolving organized crime.
The youth rebellion, symbolized by Monkey D. Luffy from “One Piece,” reflects a surge of activism in Asia and beyond, particularly within Generation Z. Government attempts to co-opt these movements in Mexico demonstrate a fear of losing control, as genuine student uprisings challenge the status quo amid societal discontent and violence.
Over the past two decades, despite numerous tests and programs, we have not managed to establish trustworthy municipal police forces capable of confronting the expansion of organized crime, which is primarily sustained by their control of local governments. After months in office, President Sheinbaum rectified and presented a plan. Essentially, she is right: the key lies with the municipalities.