Corruption and Power: A Turning Point in Mexican Politics

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Antonio Navalón

There is no longer any room for speculation or further names or conclusions about what Washington says or does not say. About what is or is not happening to the President or what she should or should not do. The situation is clear. The joke of fuel theft is over. The possibility of Mexico being a state governed by cartels of corruption disguised as jokes or witticisms is over. The tolerance of looking the other way to allow the bad guys to continue doing whatever they want has also run out.

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This has come to an end. What are we facing? Coexistence with impunity, ignorance, and indifference. Not one more day, not one more second can a situation be sustained that requires the action of the Attorney General’s Office to determine if there is evidence, if it is sufficient, and what it is.

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What more evidence is needed to recognize that, at best, Senator Adán Augusto was deceived and, at worst, he himself deceived everyone, including his brother López Obrador, in order to install himself in power and misuse it? Today, those actions appear to be a direct betrayal of the country.

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As everyone knows, only your own people can betray you. Those on the other side do not betray you; they are simply enemies or have conflicting interests.

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Adán Augusto, a teenage friend of the leader of the 4T, now faces a situation in which it matters little whether the accusations against him have far-reaching criminal consequences or not. What is truly relevant is that he belongs to the circle of trust and is almost blood-related to the creator of the 4T. Therefore, his political cost transcends that of anyone else.

In the Roman Empire, when a senator or official directly linked to the state fell under suspicion, it was advisable to mitigate the political damage by resorting to self-elimination. It was not only a matter of justice, but also of preserving the stability of power.

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Of all the pending issues—and leaving aside what might happen to the leader’s children—the most dangerous and damaging at this moment is the attitude of the President of the Senate Political Coordination Board toward the President herself. His behavior shows that he does not consider himself part of that body or that bloodline, and that he acts either with excessive confidence or with grave irresponsibility in the face of the political consequences of his actions.

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At the same time, the Latin American scenario is becoming increasingly strange. As with Maduro—who sooner or later will have to turn himself in, go into exile, or disappear—the crisis of the cartels and fuel theft places Mexico in a difficult situation. This is no longer a matter of political intrigue: the damage reaches the very bloodline of the creator of the 4T and strikes at the heart of the regime.

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I am not a judge or a prosecutor. I have not seen documents that definitively incriminate the creator of the 4T. But it is impossible to read the accounts, even the most biased ones, without thinking that there is truth in those who point out the coincidences. Amidst political fatigue, the ruling party’s organization secretary travels first to Seattle and then to Tokyo, while malicious—though not necessarily incorrect—journalists investigate the origins of the houses where he celebrated his birthday in San Miguel Chapultepec and abroad.

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In Switzerland, protected by banking secrecy, the first Tabasco native to aspire to appear on the Forbes list as one of the richest in the country waits with his family for better times. However, everything indicates that this future could only be achieved if they manage to launch into a rocket to another reality. In any case, if Amílcar Olán Aparicio does not become the first Tabasco native on the list of the super-rich, he will go down in economic history as an example of how a new regime engenders a new group of millionaires.

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On the other hand, as we continue to try to define and resolve the national situation, Donald Trump appears to act without restraint, whenever and wherever he chooses. Amid the religious exaltation that surrounds him, following the death of Charlie Kirk and Erika Kirk’s subsequent speech, Trump presents himself as a man of the Old Testament. He claims not to forgive his enemies and takes pleasure in their misfortunes. He does so by interpreting the Bible through passages from Nahum and Jeremiah, which announce divine vengeance and curse the man who trusts others instead of placing his trust in God.

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All of this is wrong. In the United States, but also and above all in Mexico. And perhaps, while some believe that the president is suffering because of what the creator of the regime and his own family are going through, what she is really seeking is to be able to explain one day—possibly in front of a mirror—that she did not fail, that it was everyone else who did. She ended up defending the creator of the 4T, paying a very high political price.

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But at this point, seeing how things are, the inevitable question is: how much will it weigh if loyalty to the López Obrador surname is placed on one side of the scale and the respect, future, and morals of the Mexican people on the other?

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