Antonio Navalón
Everyone knows that an empire, to be considered an empire, needs to have territorial claims, well-trained legions, or, in modern times, armies capable of carrying out what Klemens von Metternich defined as “diplomacy by other means.” And, above all, it must have a guide, a single beacon to steer society’s course. Adolf Hitler understood this very well.
Before proceeding, let’s clarify one thing: this is not about comparing today’s leaders to the German dictator. But Hitler understood precisely that, to consolidate a dictatorship, it is not enough to crush or convince one’s enemies; it is also necessary to prevent society from having time to think. The key is to impose a dynamic, a speed, that does not allow for rectifying what has already been done.
The burning of the Reichstag, attributed to a providential communist, allowed the new German Chancellor to suspend constitutional guarantees, proclaim martial law, and create the first internment camps, which would later become extermination camps. The first was Dachau. Curiously, history has a dark sense of humor: that camp, located on the romantic Bavarian road between Munich and the Alps, was on the same route to the Berghof, the Eagle’s Nest, where Hitler walked with his female companion and his dog while contemplating, from above, the expansion of his empire.
An empire without territorial ambitions, aggression, and an army is not an empire. That is why Donald Trump’s second term began with the unusual claim to Greenland. It started with the speech on the “restitution of the United States.”
He appointed a senior officer with experience in Iraq as the new Secretary of War—not Defense—making it clear that the empire’s vocation was not protection, but expansion. Trump knows that part of his success depends on ending Washington as we know it and sowing doubt in the minds of judges about whether it is worth defending the constitutional order that he himself challenges every day. He also knows that the type of government he wants to build is based on not giving time. Everything must be fast, urgent, and immediate. That is why we must, without exaggeration, acknowledge the importance it deserves in the election on November 4, just one year after his landslide victory over Kamala Harris and the electoral punishment that voters inflicted on the Democratic Party for its loss of direction. Key states voted against Trump: Virginia, which is a mixed state; New Jersey, which is predominantly Democratic; and California, the big blue spot in the middle of the red ocean that is today’s U.S. political map.
However, the most significant provocation came from New York City, the capital of the world, the city that never sleeps, the same city that has been the scene of the most extraordinary and audacious acts of the 20th century, as well as the deepest regressions of the 21st century, since the fall of the Twin Towers. In that city, voters elected 34-year-old Zohran Mamdani, a Muslim and socialist who obtained U.S. citizenship seven years ago, as mayor. His victory symbolizes a break with the old New York order: he represents a new generation that claims the right to live, work, and govern in a city marked by inequality and financial power.
New York is not a place to experiment with taxes, rents, or regulations that affect the interests of large building owners, apartment owners, or townhouse owners. There is a significant amount of poverty in New York, but also a substantial amount of wealth. It has always been the thermometer of the world, the city that dictates financial trends through Wall Street. It is worth remembering that it was a former governor of New York—Theodore Roosevelt—who, after serving as the city’s police chief and becoming president of the United States, pushed for the creation of the Federal Reserve to limit the power of J.P. Morgan and his allies and ensure that the state maintained control over its finances.
Trump is not finished, but he will have to accept that, at least on the two coasts and in the equivalent of a third of the country—the thirteen original colonies plus California—he does not yet have the absolute submission necessary to impose his will without resistance. However, the heartland of America, which holds more than 400 million privately owned weapons, may consider that the Democrats are hopeless and that, as in the South centuries ago, they need a “military lesson.” Or perhaps Trump will choose to maintain his radicalism while taking care to avoid upsetting his grand plan.
And what is his big move? Redrawing the counties. Because counties determine the number of representatives in the House of Representatives. Hence, the importance of the elections in California, where the Democratic governor, openly opposed to Trump and a likely contender in the next presidential election, won by a solid margin. That means he will be able to influence the configuration of the counties before the next election, forcing Trump to adjust his strategy to achieve a majority “tailored” to his political program in the heartland of America.
Nothing is definitive in politics. Everything that goes up must come down. But still, fortunately, the foundations of the northern republic remain alive, at least from coast to coast.
Many people believe that, ultimately, it was Barack Obama who paved the way for Donald Trump. The very idea of having an African American in the White House—and not just to serve tea—was unbearable for a portion of the American electorate. That symbolic wound led many to seek, among their own, someone who embodied revenge: a character with a more cinematic, wilder vision, protected by the ambiguity of the American legal, political, and social system. It should not be forgotten that, just as Barack Obama was a splash of color in the history of the United States, so is Trump. One, because of his African-American origins; the other, because of his German ancestry and his unmistakable blond-orange hair.
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